Critical And Historical Essays By Lord Macaulay Address

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SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE. (October, 1838.)

Mr. Courtenay has long been well known to politicians as an industrious and useful official man, and as an upright and consistent member of Parliament. He has been one of the most moderate, and, at the same time, one of the least pliant members of the Conservative party. His conduct has, indeed, on some questions, been so Whiggish, that both those who applauded and those who condemned it have questioned his claim to be considered as a Tory. But his Toryism, such as it is, he has held fast through all changes of fortune and fashion; and he has at last retired from public life, leaving behind him, to the best of our belief, no personal enemy, and carrying with him the respect and good will of many who strongly dissent from his opinions.

This book, the fruit of Mr. Courtenay’s leisure, is introduced by a preface in which he informs us that the assistance furnished to him from various quarters “has taught him the superiority of literature to Edition: current; Page: [2] politics for developing the kindlier feelings, and conducing to an agreeable life.” We are truly glad that Mr. Courtenay is so well satisfied with his new employment, and we heartily congratulate him on having been driven by events to make an exchange which, advantageous as it is, few people make while they can avoid it. He has little reason, in our opinion, to envy any of those who are still engaged in a pursuit from which, at most, they can only expect that, by relinquishing liberal studies and social pleasures, by passing nights without sleep and summers without one glimpse of the beauty of nature, they may attain that laborious, that invidious, that closely watched slavery which is mocked with the name of power.

The volumes before us are fairly entitled to the praise of diligence, care, good sense, and impartiality; and these qualities are sufficient to make a book valuable, but not quite sufficient to make it readable. Mr. Courtenay has not sufficiently studied the arts of selection and compression. The information with which he furnishes us, must still, we apprehend, be considered as so much raw material. To manufacturers it will be highly useful; but it is not yet in such a form that it can be enjoyed by the idle consumer. To drop metaphor, we are afraid that this work will be less acceptable to those who read for the sake of reading, than to those who read in order to write.

We cannot help adding, though we are extremely unwilling to quarrel with Mr. Courtenay about politics, that the book would not be at all the worse if it contained fewer snarls against the Whigs of the present day. Not only are these passages out of place in a historical work, but some of them are intrinsically such that they would become the editor of a thirdrate party newspaper better than a gentleman of Mr. Courtenay’s talents and knowledge. For example, we are told that “it is a remarkable circumstance, familiar Edition: current; Page: [3] to those who are acquainted with history, but suppressed by the new Whigs, that the liberal politicians of the seventeenth century and the greater part of the eighteenth, never extended their liberality to the native Irish, or the professors of the ancient religion.” What schoolboy of fourteen is ignorant of this remarkable circumstance? What Whig, new or old, was ever such an idiot as to think that it could be suppressed? Really we might as well say that it is a remarkable circumstance, familiar to people well read in history, but carefully suppressed by the Clergy of the Established Church, that in the fifteenth century England was in communion with Rome. We are tempted to make some remarks on another passage, which seems to be the peroration of a speech intended to have been spoken against the Reform Bill: but we forbear.

We doubt whether it will be found that the memory of Sir William Temple owes much to Mr. Courtenay’s researches. Temple is one of those men whom the world has agreed to praise highly without knowing much about them, and who are therefore more likely to lose than to gain by a close examination. Yet he is not without fair pretensions to the most honourable place among the statesmen of his time. A few of them equalled or surpassed him in talents; but they were men of no good repute for honesty. A few may be named whose patriotism was purer, nobler, and more disinterested than his; but they were men of no eminent ability. Morally, he was above Shaftesbury; intellectually, he was above Russell.

To say of a man that he occupied a high position in times of misgovernment, of corruption, of civil and religious faction, that nevertheless he contracted no great stain and bore no part in any great crime, that he won the esteem of a profligate Court and of a turbulent people, without being guilty of any disgraceful Edition: current; Page: [4] subserviency to either, seems to be very high praise; and all this may with truth be said of Temple.

Yet Temple is not a man to our taste. A temper not naturally good, but under strict command; a constant regard to decorum; a rare caution in playing that mixed game of skill and hazard, human life; a disposition to be content with small and certain winnings rather than to go on doubling the stake; these seem to us to be the most remarkable features of his character. This sort of moderation, when united, as in him it was, with very considerable abilities, is, under ordinary circumstances, scarcely to be distinguished from the highest and purest integrity, and yet may be perfectly compatible with laxity of principle, with coldness of heart, and with the most intense selfishness. Temple, we fear, had not sufficient warmth and elevation of sentiment to deserve the name of a virtuous man. He did not betray or oppress his country: nay, he rendered considerable services to her; but he risked nothing for her. No temptation which either the King or the Opposition could hold out ever induced him to come forward as the supporter either of arbitrary or of factious measures. But he was most careful not to give offence by strenuously opposing such measures. He never put himself prominently before the public eye, except at conjunctures when he was almost certain to gain, and could not possibly lose, at conjunctures when the interest of the State, the views of the Court, and the passions of the multitude, all appeared for an instant to coincide. By judiciously availing himself of several of these rare moments, he succeeded in establishing a high character for wisdom and patriotism. When the favourable crisis was passed, he never risked the reputation which he had won. He avoided the great offices of State with a caution almost pusillanimous, and confined himself to quiet and secluded departments Edition: current; Page: [5] of public business, in which he could enjoy moderate but certain advantages without incurring envy. If the circumstances of the country became such that it was impossible to take any part in politics without some danger, he retired to his library and his orchard, and, while the nation groaned under oppression, or resounded with tumult and with the din of civil arms, amused himself by writing memoirs and tying up apricots. His political career bore some resemblance to the military career of Louis the Fourteenth. Louis, lest his royal dignity should be compromised by failure, never repaired to a siege, till it had been reported to him by the most skilful officers in his service, that nothing could prevent the fall of the place. When this was ascertained, the monarch, in his helmet and cuirass, appeared among the tents, held councils of war, dictated the capitulation, received the keys, and then returned to Versailles to hear his flatterers repeat that Turenne had been beaten at Mariendal, that Condé had been forced to raise the siege of Arras, and that the only warrior whose glory had never been obscured by a single check was Louis the Great. Yet Condé and Turenne will always be considered as captains of a very different order from the invincible Louis; and we must own that many statesmen who have committed great faults, appear to us to be deserving of more esteem than the faultless Temple. For in truth his faultlessness is chiefly to be ascribed to his extreme dread of all responsibility, to his determination rather to leave his country in a scrape than to run any chance of being in a scrape himself. He seems to have been averse from danger; and it must be admitted that the dangers to which a public man was exposed, in those days of conflicting tyranny and sedition, were of the most serious kind. He could not bear discomfort, bodily or mental. His lamentations when, in the course of Edition: current; Page: [6] his diplomatic journies, he was put a little out of his way, and forced, in the vulgar phrase, to rough it, are quite amusing. He talks of riding a day or two on a bad Westphalian road, of sleeping on straw for one night, of travelling in winter when the snow lay on the ground, as if he had gone on an expedition to the North Pole or to the source of the Nile. This kind of valetudinarian effeminacy, this habit of coddling himself, appears in all parts of his conduct. He loved fame, but not with the love of an exalted and generous mind. He loved it as an end, not at all as a means; as a personal luxury, not at all as an instrument of advantage to others. He scraped it together and treasured it up with a timid and niggardly thrift; and never employed the hoard in any enterprise, however virtuous and useful, in which there was hazard of losing one particle. No wonder if such a person did little or nothing which deserves positive blame. But much more than this may justly be demanded of a man possessed of such abilities, and placed in such a situation. Had Temple been brought before Dante’s infernal tribunal, he would not have been condemned to the deeper recesses of the abyss. He would not have been boiled with Dundee in the crimson pool of Bulicame, or hurled with Danby into the seething pitch of Malebolge, or congealed with Churchill in the eternal ice of Giudecca; but he would perhaps have been placed in the dark vestibule next to the shade of that inglorious pontiff —

“Che fece per viltate il gran rifiuto.”

Of course a man is not bound to be a politician any more than he is bound to be a soldier; and there are perfectly honourable ways of quitting both politics and the military profession. But neither in the one way of life, nor in the other, is any man entitled to take all the sweet and leave all the sour. A man who belongs to the army only in time of peace, who Edition: current; Page: [7] appears at reviews in Hyde Park, escorts the Sovereign with the utmost valour and fidelity to and from the House of Lords, and retires as soon as he thinks it likely that he may be ordered on an expedition, is justly thought to have disgraced himself. Some portion of the censure due to such a holiday-soldier may justly fall on the mere holiday-politician, who flinches from his duties as soon as those duties become difficult and disagreeable, that is to say, as soon as it becomes peculiarly important that he should resolutely perform them.

But though we are far indeed from considering Temple as a perfect statesman, though we place him below many statesmen who have committed very great errors, we cannot deny that, when compared with his contemporaries, he makes a highly respectable appearance. The reaction which followed the victory of the popular party over Charles the First, had produced a hurtful effect on the national character; and this effect was most discernible in the classes and in the places which had been most strongly excited by the recent revolution. The deterioration was greater in London than in the country, and was greatest of all in the courtly and official circles. Almost all that remained of what had been good and noble in the Cavaliers and Roundheads of 1642, was now to be found in the middling orders. The principles and feelings which prompted the Grand Remonstrance were still strong among the sturdy yeomen, and the decent God-fearing merchants. The spirit of Derby and Capel still glowed in many sequestered manorhouses; but among those political leaders who, at the time of the Restoration, were still young or in the vigour of manhood, there was neither a Southampton nor a Vane, neither a Falkland nor a Hampden. The pure, fervent, and constant loyalty which, in the preceding reign, had remained unshaken on fields Edition: current; Page: [8] of disastrous battle, in foreign garrets and cellars, and at the bar of the High Court of Justice, was scarcely to be found among the rising courtiers. As little, or still less, could the new chiefs of parties lay claim to the great qualities of the statesmen who had stood at the head of the Long Parliament. Hampden, Pym, Vane, Cromwell, are discriminated from the ablest politicians of the succeeding generation, by all the strong lineaments which distinguish the men who produce revolutions from the men whom revolutions produce. The leader in a great change, the man who stirs up a reposing community, and overthrows a deeply-rooted system, may be a very depraved man; but he can scarcely be destitute of some moral qualities which extort even from enemies a reluctant admiration, fixedness of purpose, intensity of will, enthusiasm, which is not the less fierce or persevering because it is sometimes disguised under the semblance of composure, and which bears down before it the force of circumstances and the opposition of reluctant minds. These qualities, variously combined with all sorts of virtues and vices, may be found, we think, in most of the authors of great civil and religious movements, in Cæsar, in Mahomet, in Hildebrand, in Dominic, in Luther, in Robespierre; and these qualities were found, in no scanty measure, among the chiefs of the party which opposed Charles the First. The character of the men whose minds are formed in the midst of the confusion which follows a great revolution is generally very different. Heat, the natural philosophers tell us, produces rarefaction of the air; and rarefaction of the air produces cold. So zeal makes revolutions; and revolutions make men zealous for nothing. The politicians of whom we speak, whatever may be their natural capacity or courage, are almost always characterised by a peculiar levity, a peculiar inconstancy, an easy, apathetic way Edition: current; Page: [9] of looking at the most solemn questions, a willingness to leave the direction of their course to fortune and popular opinion, a notion that one public cause is nearly as good as another, and a firm conviction that it is much better to be the hireling of the worst cause than to be a martyr to the best.

This was most strikingly the case with the English statesmen of the generation which followed the Restoration. They had neither the enthusiasm of the Cavalier nor the enthusiasm of the Republican. They had been early emancipated from the dominion of old usages and feelings; yet they had not acquired a strong passion for innovation. Accustomed to see old establishments shaking, falling, lying in ruins all around them, accustomed to live under a succession of constitutions of which the average duration was about a twelvemonth, they had no religious reverence for prescription, nothing of that frame of mind which naturally springs from the habitual contemplation of immemorial antiquity and immovable stability. Accustomed, on the other hand, to see change after change welcomed with eager hope and ending in disappointment, to see shame and confusion of face follow the extravagant hopes and predictions of rash and fanatical innovators, they had learned to look on professions of public spirit, and on schemes of reform, with distrust and contempt. They sometimes talked the language of devoted subjects, sometimes that of ardent lovers of their country. But their secret creed seems to have been, that loyalty was one great delusion, and patriotism another. If they really entertained any predilection for the monarchical or for the popular part of the constitution, for episcopacy or for presbyterianism, that predilection was feeble and languid, and instead of overcoming, as in the times of their fathers, the dread of exile, confiscation, and death, was rarely of power to resist the slightest Edition: current; Page: [10] impulse of selfish ambition or of selfish fear. Such was the texture of the presbyterianism of Lauderdale, and of the speculative republicanism of Halifax. The sense of political honour seemed to be extinct. With the great mass of mankind, the test of integrity in a public man is consistency. This test, though very defective, is perhaps the best that any, except very acute or very near observers, are capable of applying; and does undoubtedly enable the people to form an estimate of the characters of the great, which, on the whole, approximates to correctness. But during the latter part of the seventeenth century, inconsistency had necessarily ceased to be a disgrace; and a man was no more taunted with it, than he is taunted with being black at Timbuctoo. Nobody was ashamed of avowing what was common between him and the whole nation. In the short space of about seven years, the supreme power had been held by the Long Parliament, by a Council of Officers, by Barebones’ Parliament, by a Council of Officers again, by a Protector according to the Instrument of Government, by a Protector according to the Humble Petition and Advice, by the Long Parliament again, by a third Council of Officers, by the Long Parliament a third time, by the Convention, and by the King. In such times, consistency is so inconvenient to a man who affects it, and to all who are connected with him, that it ceases to be regarded as a virtue, and is considered as impracticable obstinacy and idle scrupulosity. Indeed, in such times, a good citizen may be bound in duty to serve a succession of Governments. Blake did so in one profession and Hale in another; and the conduct of both has been approved by posterity. But it is clear that when inconsistency with respect to the most important public questions has ceased to be a reproach, inconsistency with respect to questions of minor importance is not likely to be regarded as Edition: current; Page: [11] dishonourable. In a country in which many very honest people had, within the space of a few months, supported the government of the Protector, that of the Rump, and that of the King, a man was not likely to be ashamed of abandoning his party for a place, or of voting for a bill which he had opposed.

The public men of the times which followed the Restoration were by no means deficient in courage or ability; and some kinds of talent appear to have been developed amongst them to a remarkable, we might almost say, to a morbid and unnatural degree. Neither Theramenes in ancient, nor Talleyrand in modern times, had a finer perception of all the peculiarities of character, and of all the indications of coming change, than some of our countrymen in that age. Their power of reading things of high import, in signs which to others were invisible or unintelligible, resembled magic. But the curse of Reuben was upon them all: “Unstable as water, thou shalt not excel.”

This character is susceptible of innumerable modifications, according to the innumerable varieties of intellect and temper in which it may be found. Men of unquiet minds and violent ambition followed a fearfully eccentric course, darted wildly from one extreme to another, served and betrayed all parties in turn, showed their unblushing foreheads alternately in the van of the most corrupt administrations and of the most factious oppositions, were privy to the most guilty mysteries, first of the Cabal, and then of the Rye-House Plot, abjured their religion to win their sovereign’s favour while they were secretly planning his overthrow, shrived themselves to Jesuits with letters in cipher from the Prince of Orange in their pockets, corresponded with the Hague whilst in office under James, and began to correspond with St. Germain’s as soon as they had kissed hands for office Edition: current; Page: [12] under William. But Temple was not one of these. He was not destitute of ambition. But his was not one of those souls in which unsatisfied ambition anticipates the tortures of hell, gnaws like the worm which dieth not, and burns like the fire which is not quenched. His principle was to make sure of safety and comfort, and to let greatness come if it would. It came: he enjoyed it: and, in the very first moment in which it could no longer be enjoyed without danger and vexation, he contentedly let it go. He was not exempt, we think, from the prevailing political immorality. His mind took the contagion, but took it ad modum recipientis, in a form so mild that an undiscerning judge might doubt whether it were indeed the same fierce pestilence that was raging all around. The malady partook of the constitutional languor of the patient. The general corruption, mitigated by his calm and unadventurous temperament, showed itself in omissions and desertions, not in positive crimes; and his inactivity, though sometimes timorous and selfish, becomes respectable when compared with the malevolent and perfidious restlessness of Shaftesbury and Sunderland.

Temple sprang from a family which, though ancient and honourable, had, before his time, been scarcely mentioned in our history, but which, long after his death, produced so many eminent men, and formed such distinguished alliances, that it exercised, in a regular and constitutional manner, an influence in the state scarcely inferior to that which, in widely different times, and by widely different arts, the house of Neville attained in England, and that of Douglas in Scotland. During the latter years of George the Second, and through the whole reign of George the Third, members of that widely spread and powerful connexion were almost constantly at the head either of the Government or of the Opposition. There were Edition: current; Page: [13] times when the cousinhood, as it was once nicknamed, would of itself have furnished almost all the materials necessary for the construction of an efficient Cabinet. Within the space of fifty years, three First Lords of the Treasury, three Secretaries of State, two Keepers of the Privy Seal, and four First Lords of the Admiralty were appointed from among the sons and grandsons of the Countess Temple.

So splendid have been the fortunes of the main stock of the Temple family, continued by female succession. William Temple, the first of the line who attained to any great historical eminence, was of a younger branch. His father, Sir John Temple, was Master of the Rolls in Ireland, and distinguished himself among the Privy Councillors of that kingdom by the zeal with which, at the commencement of the struggle between the Crown and the Long Parliament, he supported the popular cause. He was arrested by order of the Duke of Ormond, but regained his liberty by an exchange, repaired to England, and there sate in the House of Commons as burgess for Chichester. He attached himself to the Presbyterian party, and was one of those moderate members who, at the close of the year 1648, voted for treating with Charles on the basis to which that Prince had himself agreed, and who were, in consequence, turned out of the House, with small ceremony, by Colonel Pride. Sir John seems, however, to have made his peace with the victorious Independents; for, in 1653, he resumed his office in Ireland.

Sir John Temple was married to a sister of the celebrated Henry Hammond, a learned and pious divine, who took the side of the King with very conspicuous zeal during the civil war, and was deprived of his preferment in the church after the victory of the Parliament. On account of the loss which Hammond sustained on this occasion, he has the Edition: current; Page: [14] honour of being designated, in the cant of that new brood of Oxonian sectaries who unite the worst parts of the Jesuit to the worst parts of the Orangeman, as Hammond, Presbyter, Doctor, and Confessor.

William Temple, Sir John’s eldest son, was born in London in the year 1628. He received his early education under his maternal uncle, was subsequently sent to school at Bishop-Stortford, and, at seventeen, began to reside at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where the celebrated Cudworth was his tutor. The times were not favourable to study. The Civil War disturbed even the quiet cloisters and bowling-greens of Cambridge, produced violent revolutions in the government and discipline of the colleges, and unsettled the minds of the students. Temple forgot at Emmanuel all the little Greek which he had brought from Bishop-Stortford, and never retrieved the loss; a circumstance which would hardly be worth noticing but for the almost incredible fact that fifty years later, he was so absurd as to set up his own authority against that of Bentley on questions of Greek history and philology. He made no proficiency either in the old philosophy which still lingered in the schools of Cambridge, or in the new philosophy of which Lord Bacon was the founder. But to the end of his life he continued to speak of the former with ignorant admiration, and of the latter with equally ignorant contempt.

After residing at Cambridge two years, he departed without taking a degree, and set out upon his travels. He seems to have been then a lively, agreeable young man of fashion, not by any means deeply read, but versed in all the superficial accomplishments of a gentleman, and acceptable in all polite societies. In politics he professed himself a Royalist. His opinions on religious subjects seem to have been such as might be expected from a young man of quick parts, who Edition: current; Page: [15] had received a rambling education, who had not thought deeply, who had been disgusted by the morose austerity of the Puritans, and who, surrounded from childhood by the hubbub of conflicting sects, might easily learn to feel an impartial contempt for them all.

On his road to France he fell in with the son and daughter of Sir Peter Osborne. Sir Peter held Guernsey for the King, and the young people were, like their father, warm for the royal cause. At an inn where they stopped in the Isle of Wight, the brother amused himself with inscribing on the windows his opinion of the ruling powers. For this instance of malignancy the whole party were arrested, and brought before the governor. The sister, trusting to the tenderness which, even in those troubled times, scarcely any gentleman of any party ever failed to show where a woman was concerned, took the crime on herself, and was immediately set at liberty with her fellow-travellers.

This incident, as was natural, made a deep impression on Temple. He was only twenty. Dorothy Osborne was twenty-one. She is said to have been handsome; and there remains abundant proof that she possessed an ample share of the dexterity, the vivacity, and the tenderness of her sex. Temple soon became, in the phrase of that time, her servant, and she returned his regard. But difficulties, as great as ever expanded a novel to the fifth volume, opposed their wishes. When the courtship commenced, the father of the hero was sitting in the Long Parliament; the father of the heroine was commanding in Guernsey for King Charles. Even when the war ended, and Sir Peter Osborne returned to his seat at Chicksands, the prospects of the lovers were scarcely less gloomy. Sir John Temple had a more advantageous alliance in view for his son. Dorothy Edition: current; Page: [16] Osborne was in the mean time besieged by as many suitors as were drawn to Belmont by the fame of Portia. The most distinguished on the list was Henry Cromwell. Destitute of the capacity, the energy, the magnanimity of his illustrious father, destitute also of the meek and placid virtues of his elder brother, this young man was perhaps a more formidable rival in love than either of them would have been. Mrs. Hutchinson, speaking the sentiments of the grave and aged, describes him as an “insolent foole,” and a “debauched ungodly cavalier.” These expressions probably mean that he was one who, among young and dissipated people, would pass for a fine gentleman. Dorothy was fond of dogs of larger and more formidable breed than those which lie on modern hearth-rugs; and Henry Cromwell promised that the highest functionaries at Dublin should be set to work to procure her a fine Irish greyhound. She seems to have felt his attentions as very flattering, though his father was then only Lord-General, and not yet Protector. Love, however, triumphed over ambition, and the young lady appears never to have regretted her decision; though, in a letter written just at the time when all England was ringing with the news of the violent dissolution of the Long Parliament, she could not refrain from reminding Temple, with pardonable vanity, “how great she might have been, if she had been so wise as to have taken hold of the offer of H. C.”

Nor was it only the influence of rivals that Temple had to dread. The relations of his mistress regarded him with personal dislike, and spoke of him as an unprincipled adventurer, without honour or religion, ready to render service to any party for the sake of preferment. This is, indeed, a very distorted view of Temple’s character. Yet a character, even in the most distorted view taken of it by the most angry Edition: current; Page: [17] and prejudiced minds, generally retains something of its outline. No caricaturist ever represented Mr. Pitt as a Falstaff, or Mr. Fox as a skeleton; nor did any libeller ever impute parsimony to Sheridan, or profusion to Marlborough. It must be allowed that the turn of mind which the eulogists of Temple have dignified with the appellation of philosophical indifference, and which, however becoming it may be in an old and experienced statesman, has a somewhat ungraceful appearance in youth, might easily appear shocking to a family who were ready to fight or to suffer martyrdom for their exiled King and their persecuted church. The poor girl was exceedingly hurt and irritated by these imputations on her lover, defended him warmly behind his back, and addressed to himself some very tender and anxious admonitions, mingled with assurances of her confidence in his honour and virtue. On one occasion she was most highly provoked by the way in which one of her brothers spoke of Temple. “We talked ourselves weary,” she says; “he renounced me, and I defied him.”

Near seven years did this arduous wooing continue. We are not accurately informed respecting Temple’s movements during that time. But he seems to have led a rambling life, sometimes on the Continent, sometimes in Ireland, sometimes in London. He made himself master of the French and Spanish languages, and amused himself by writing essays and romances, an employment which at least served the purpose of forming his style. The specimen which Mr. Courtenay has preserved of these early compositions is by no means contemptible: indeed, there is one passage on Like and Dislike which could have been produced only by a mind habituated carefully to reflect on its own operations, and which reminds us of the best things in Montaigne.

Temple appears to have kept up a very active correspondence Edition: current; Page: [18] with his mistress. His letters are lost, but hers have been preserved; and many of them appear in these volumes. Mr. Courtenay expresses some doubt whether his readers will think him justified in inserting so large a number of these epistles. We only wish that there were twice as many. Very little indeed of the diplomatic correspondence of that generation is so well worth reading. There is a vile phrase of which bad historians are exceedingly fond, “the dignity of history.” One writer is in possession of some anecdotes which would illustrate most strikingly the operation of the Mississippi scheme on the manners and morals of the Parisians. But he suppresses those anecdotes, because they are too low for the dignity of history. Another is strongly tempted to mention some facts indicating the horrible state of the prisons of England two hundred years ago. But he hardly thinks that the sufferings of a dozen felons, pigging together on bare bricks in a hole fifteen feet square, would form a subject suited to the dignity of history. Another, from respect for the dignity of history, publishes an account of the reign of George the Second, without ever mentioning Whitefield’s preaching in Moorfields. How should a writer, who can talk about senates, and congresses of sovereigns, and pragmatic sanctions, and ravelines, and counterscarps, and battles where ten thousand men are killed, and six thousand men with fifty stand of colours and eighty guns taken, stoop to the Stock-Exchange, to Newgate, to the theatre, to the tabernacle?

Tragedy has its dignity as well as history; and how much the tragic art has owed to that dignity any man may judge who will compare the majestic Alexandrines in which the Seigneur Oreste and Madame Andromaque utter their complaints, with the chattering of the fool in Lear and of the nurse in Romeo and Juliet.

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That a historian should not record trifles, that he should confine himself to what is important, is perfectly true. But many writers seem never to have considered on what the historical importance of an event depends. They seem not to be aware that the importance of a fact, when that fact is considered with reference to its immediate effects, and the importance of the same fact, when that fact is considered as part of the materials for the construction of a science, are two very different things. The quantity of good or evil which a transaction produces is by no means necessarily proportioned to the quantity of light which that transaction affords, as to the way in which good or evil may hereafter be produced. The poisoning of an emperor is in one sense a far more serious matter than the poisoning of a rat. But the poisoning of a rat may be an era in chemistry; and an emperor may be poisoned by such ordinary means, and with such ordinary symptoms, that no scientific journal would notice the occurrence. An action for a hundred thousand pounds is in one sense a more momentous affair than an action for fifty pounds. But it by no means follows that the learned gentlemen who report the proceedings of the courts of law ought to give a fuller account of an action for a hundred thousand pounds, than of an action for fifty pounds. For a cause in which a large sum is at stake may be important only to the particular plaintiff and the particular defendant. A cause, on the other hand, in which a small sum is at stake, may establish some great principle interesting to half the families in the kingdom. The case is exactly the same with that class of subjects of which historians treat. To an Athenian, in the time of the Peloponnesian war, the result of the battle of Delium was far more important than the fate of the comedy of The Knights. But to us the fact that the comedy of The Knights was Edition: current; Page: [20] brought on the Athenian stage with success is far more important than the fact that the Athenian phalanx gave way at Delium. Neither the one event nor the other has now any intrinsic importance. We are in no danger of being speared by the Thebans. We are not quizzed in The Knights. To us the importance of both events consists in the value of the general truth which is to be learned from them. What general truth do we learn from the accounts which have come down to us of the battle of Delium? Very little more than this, that when two armies fight, it is not improbable that one of them will be very soundly beaten, a truth which it would not, we apprehend, be difficult to establish, even if all memory of the battle of Delium were lost among men. But a man who becomes acquainted with the comedy of The Knights, and with the history of that comedy, at once feels his mind enlarged. Society is presented to him under a new aspect. He may have read and travelled much. He may have visited all the countries of Europe, and the civilised nations of the East. He may have observed the manners of many barbarous races. But here is something altogether different from every thing which he has seen, either among polished men or among savages. Here is a community politically, intellectually, and morally unlike any other community of which he has the means of forming an opinion. This is the really precious part of history, the corn which some threshers carefully sever from the chaff, for the purpose of gathering the chaff into the garner, and flinging the corn into the fire.

Thinking thus, we are glad to learn so much, and would willingly learn more, about the loves of Sir William and his mistress. In the seventeenth century, to be sure, Louis the Fourteenth was a much more important person than Temple’s sweetheart. But death and time equalise all things. Neither the great Edition: current; Page: [21] King, nor the beauty of Bedfordshire, neither the gorgeous paradise of Marli nor Mistress Osborne’s favourite walk “in the common that lay hard by the house, where a great many young wenches used to keep sheep and cows and sit in the shade singing of ballads,” is any thing to us. Louis and Dorothy are alike dust. A cotton-mill stands on the ruins of Marli; and the Osbornes have ceased to dwell under the ancient roof of Chicksands. But of that information for the sake of which alone it is worth while to study remote events, we find so much in the love letters which Mr. Courtenay has published, that we would gladly purchase equally interesting billets with ten times their weight in state-papers taken at random. To us surely it is as useful to know how the young ladies of England employed themselves a hundred and eighty years ago, how far their minds were cultivated, what were their favourite studies, what degree of liberty was allowed to them, what use they made of that liberty, what accomplishments they most valued in men, and what proofs of tenderness delicacy permitted them to give to favoured suitors, as to know all about the seizure of Franche Compté and the treaty of Nimeguen. The mutual relations of the two sexes seem to us to be at least as important as the mutual relations of any two governments in the world; and a series of letters written by a virtuous, amiable, and sensible girl, and intended for the eye of her lover alone, can scarcely fail to throw some light on the relations of the sexes; whereas it is perfectly possible, as all who have made any historical researches can attest, to read bale after bale of despatches and protocols, without catching one glimpse of light about the relations of governments.

Mr. Courtenay proclaims that he is one of Dorothy Osborne’s devoted servants, and expresses a hope that the publication of her letters will add to the number. Edition: current; Page: [22] We must declare ourselves his rivals. She really seems to have been a very charming young woman, modest, generous, affectionate, intelligent, and sprightly; a royalist, as was to be expected from her connexions, without any of that political asperity which is as unwomanly as a long beard; religious, and occasionally gliding into a very pretty and endearing sort of preaching, yet not too good to partake of such diversions as London afforded under the melancholy rule of the puritans, or to giggle a little at a ridiculous sermon from a divine who was thought to be one of the great lights of the Assembly at Westminster; with a little turn for conquetry, which was yet perfectly compatible with warm and disinterested attachment, and a little turn for satire, which yet seldom passed the bounds of good-nature. She loved reading; but her studies were not those of Queen Elizabeth and Lady Jane Grey. She read the verses of Cowley and Lord Broghill, French Memoirs recommended by her lover, and the Travels of Fernando Mendez Pinto. But her favourite books were those ponderous French romances which modern readers know chiefly from the pleasant satire of Charlotte Lennox. She could not, however, help laughing at the vile English into which they were translated. Her own style is very agreeable; nor are her letters at all the worse for some passages in which raillery and tenderness are mixed in a very engaging namby-pamby.

When at last the constancy of the lovers had triumphed over all the obstacles which kinsmen and rivals could oppose to their union, a yet more serious calamity befell them. Poor Mistress Osborne fell ill of the small-pox, and, though she escaped with life, lost all her beauty. To this most severe trial the affection and honour of the lovers of that age was not unfrequently subjected. Our readers probably remember what Mrs. Hutchinson tells us of herself. Edition: current; Page: [23] The lofty Cornelia-like spirit of the aged matron seems to melt into a long forgotten softness when she relates how her beloved Colonel “married her as soon as she was able to quit the chamber, when the priest and all that saw her were affrighted to look on her. But God,” she adds, with a not ungraceful vanity, “recompensed his justice and constancy, by restoring her as well as before.” Temple showed on this occasion the same justice and constancy which did so much honour to Colonel Hutchinson. The date of the marriage is not exactly known. But Mr. Courtenay supposes it to have taken place about the end of the year 1654. From this time we lose sight of Dorothy, and are reduced to form our opinion of the terms on which she and her husband were from very slight indications which may easily mislead us.

Temple soon went to Ireland, and resided with his father, partly at Dublin, partly in the county of Carlow. Ireland was probably then a more agreeable residence for the higher classes, as compared with England, than it has ever been before or since. In no part of the empire were the superiority of Cromwell’s abilities and the force of his character so signally displayed. He had not the power, and probably had not the inclination, to govern that island in the best way. The rebellion of the aboriginal race had excited in England a strong religious and national aversion to them; nor is there any reason to believe that the Protector was so far beyond his age as to be free from the prevailing sentiment. He had vanquished them; he knew that they were in his power; and he regarded them as a band of malefactors and idolaters, who were mercifully treated if they were not smitten with the edge of the sword. On those who resisted he had made war as the Hebrews made war on the Canaanites. Drogheda was as Jericho; and Wexford as Ai. To the remains of the old population Edition: current; Page: [24] the conqueror granted a peace, such as that which Israel granted to the Gibeonites. He made them hewers of wood and drawers of water. But, good or bad, he could not be otherwise than great. Under favourable circumstances, Ireland would have found in him a most just and beneficent ruler. She found in him a tyrant; not a small, teasing tyrant, such as those who have so long been her curse and her shame, but one of those awful tyrants who, at long intervals, seem to be sent on earth, like avenging angels, with some high commission of destruction and renovation. He was no man of half measures, of mean affronts and ungracious concessions. His Protestant ascendency was not an ascendency of ribands, and fiddles, and statues, and processions. He would never have dreamed of abolishing the penal code and withholding from Catholics the elective franchise, of giving them the elective franchise and excluding them from Parliament, of admitting them to Parliament, and refusing to them a full and equal participation in all the blessings of society and government. The thing most alien from his clear intellect and his commanding spirit was petty persecution. He knew how to tolerate; and he knew how to destroy. His administration in Ireland was an administration on what are now called Orange principles, followed out most ably, most steadily, most undauntedly, most unrelentingly, to every extreme consequence to which those principles lead; and it would, if continued, inevitably have produced the effect which he contemplated, an entire decomposition and reconstruction of society. He had a great and definite object in view, to make Ireland thoroughly English, to make Ireland another Yorkshire or Norfolk. Thinly peopled as Ireland then was, this end was not unattainable; and there is every reason to believe that, if his policy had been followed during fifty years, this end would have Edition: current; Page: [25] been attained. Instead of an emigration, such as we now see from Ireland to England, there was, under his government, a constant and large emigration from England to Ireland. This tide of population ran almost as strongly as that which now runs from Massachusetts and Connecticut to the states behind the Ohio. The native race was driven back before the advancing van of the Anglo-Saxon population, as the American Indians or the tribes of Southern Africa are now driven back before the white settlers. Those fearful phenomena which have almost invariably attended the planting of civilised colonies in uncivilised countries, and which had been known to the nations of Europe only by distant and questionable rumour, were now publicly exhibited in their sight. The words, “extirpation,” “eradication,” were often in the mouths of the English back-settlers of Leinster and Munster, cruel words, yet, in their cruelty, containing more mercy than much softer expressions which have since been sanctioned by universities and cheered by Parliaments. For it is in truth more merciful to extirpate a hundred thousand human beings at once, and to fill the void with a well-governed population, than to misgovern millions through a long succession of generations. We can much more easily pardon tremendous severities inflicted for a great object, than an endless series of paltry vexations and oppressions inflicted for no rational object at all.

Ireland was fast becoming English. Civilisation and wealth were making rapid progress in almost every part of the island. The effects of that iron despotism are described to us by a hostile witness in very remarkable language. “Which is more wonderful,” says Lord Clarendon, “all this was done and settled within little more than two years, to that degree of perfection that there were many buildings raised for beauty as well as use, orderly and regular Edition: current; Page: [26] plantations of trees, and fences and inclosures raised throughout the kingdom, purchases made by one from another at very valuable rates, and jointures made upon marriages, and all other conveyances and settlements executed, as in a kingdom at peace within itself, and where no doubt could be made of the validity of titles.”

All Temple’s feelings about Irish questions were those of a colonist and a member of the dominant caste. He troubled himself as little about the welfare of the remains of the old Celtic population, as an English farmer on the Swan River troubles himself about the New Hollanders, or a Dutch boor at the Cape about the Caffres. The years which he passed in Ireland, while the Cromwellian system was in full operation, he always described as “years of great satisfaction.” Farming, gardening, county business, and studies rather entertaining than profound, occupied his time. In politics he took no part, and many years later he attributed this inaction to his love of the ancient constitution, which, he said, “would not suffer him to enter into public affairs till the way was plain for the King’s happy restoration.” It does not appear, indeed, that any offer of employment was made to him. If he really did refuse any preferment, we may, without much breach of charity, attribute the refusal rather to the caution which, during his whole life, prevented him from running any risk, than to the fervour of his loyalty.

In 1660 he made his first appearance in public life. He sat in the convention which, in the midst of the general confusion that preceded the Restoration, was summoned by the chiefs of the army of Ireland to meet in Dublin. After the King’s return an Irish parliament was regularly convoked, in which Temple represented the county of Carlow. The details of his conduct in this situation are not known to us. But we are told in general terms, and can easily believe, Edition: current; Page: [27] that he showed great moderation, and great aptitude for business. It is probable that he also distinguished himself in debate; for many years afterwards he remarked that “his friends in Ireland used to think that, if he had any talent at all, it lay in that way.”

In May, 1663, the Irish parliament was prorogued, and Temple repaired to England with his wife. His income amounted to about five hundred pounds a year, a sum which was then sufficient for the wants of a family mixing in fashionable circles. He passed two years in London, where he seems to have led that easy, lounging life which was best suited to his temper.

He was not, however, unmindful of his interest. He had brought with him letters of introduction from the Duke of Ormond, then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, to Clarendon, and to Henry Bennet, Lord Arlington, who was Secretary of State. Clarendon was at the head of affairs. But his power was visibly declining, and was certain to decline more and more every day. An observer much less discerning than Temple might easily perceive that the Chancellor was a man who belonged to a by-gone world, a representative of a past age, of obsolete modes of thinking, of unfashionable vices, and of more unfashionable virtues. His long exile had made him a stranger in the country of his birth. His mind, heated by conflict and by personal suffering, was far more set against popular and tolerant courses than it had been at the time of the breaking out of the civil war. He pined for the decorous tyranny of the old Whitehall; for the days of that sainted king who deprived his people of their money and their ears, but let their wives and daughters alone; and could scarcely reconcile himself to a court with a seraglio and without a Star-chamber. By taking this course he made himself every day more odious, both to the sovereign, who loved pleasure much more than prerogative, and to the people, who Edition: current; Page: [28] dreaded royal prerogatives much more than royal pleasures; and thus he was at last more detested by the Court than any chief of the Opposition, and more detested by the Parliament than any pandar of the Court.

Temple, whose great maxim was to offend no party, was not likely to cling to the falling fortunes of a minister the study of whose life was to offend all parties. Arlington, whose influence was gradually rising as that of Clarendon diminished, was the most useful patron to whom a young adventurer could attach himself. This statesman, without virtue, wisdom, or strength of mind, had raised himself to greatness by superficial qualities, and was the mere creature of the time, the circumstances, and the company. The dignified reserve of manners which he had acquired during a residence in Spain provoked the ridicule of those who considered the usages of the French court as the only standard of good breeding, but served to impress the crowd with a favourable opinion of his sagacity and gravity. In situations where the solemnity of the Escurial would have been out of place, he threw it aside without difficulty, and conversed with great humour and vivacity. While the multitude were talking of “Bennet’s grave looks*,” his mirth made his presence always welcome in the royal closet. While Buckingham, in the antechamber, was mimicking the pompous Castilian strut of the Secretary, for the diversion of Mistress Stuart, this stately Don was ridiculing Clarendon’s sober counsels to the King within, till his Majesty cried with laughter, and the Chancellor with vexation. There perhaps never was a man whose outward demeanour made such different impressions on different people. Count Hamilton, for example, describes him as a stupid formalist, Edition: current; Page: [29] who had been made secretary solely on account of his mysterious and important looks. Clarendon, on the other hand, represents him as a man whose “best faculty was raillery,” and who was “for his pleasant and agreeable humour acceptable unto the King.” The truth seems to be that, destitute as Bennet was of all the higher qualifications of a minister, he had a wonderful talent for becoming, in outward semblance, all things to all men. He had two aspects, a busy and serious one for the public, whom he wished to awe into respect, and a gay one for Charles, who thought that the greatest service which could be rendered to a prince was to amuse him. Yet both these were masks which he laid aside when they had served their turn. Long after, when he had retired to his deer-park and fish-ponds in Suffolk, and had no motive to act the part either of the hidalgo or of the buffoon, Evelyn, who was neither an unpractised nor an undiscerning judge, conversed much with him, and pronounced him to be a man of singularly polished manners and of great colloquial powers.

Clarendon, proud and imperious by nature, soured by age and disease, and relying on his great talents and services, sought out no new allies. He seems to have taken a sort of morose pleasure in slighting and provoking all the rising talent of the kingdom. His connexions were almost entirely confined to the small circle, every day becoming smaller, of old cavaliers who had been friends of his youth or companions of his exile. Arlington, on the other hand, beat up every where for recruits. No man had a greater personal following, and no man exerted himself more to serve his adherents. It was a kind of habit with him to push up his dependents to his own level, and then to complain bitterly of their ingratitude because they did not choose to be his dependents any longer. It was thus that he quarrelled with two successive Treasurers, Edition: current; Page: [30] Gifford and Danby. To Arlington Temple attached himself, and was not sparing of warm professions of affection, or even, we grieve to say, of gross and almost profane adulation. In no long time he obtained his reward.

England was in a very different situation with respect to foreign powers from that which she had occupied during the splendid administration of the Protector. She was engaged in war with the United Provinces, then governed with almost regal power by the Grand Pensionary, John de Witt; and though no war had ever cost the kingdom so much, none had ever been more feeble and meanly conducted. France had espoused the interests of the States General. Denmark seemed likely to take the same side. Spain, indignant at the close political and matrimonial alliance which Charles had formed with the House of Braganza, was not disposed to lend him any assistance. The great plague of London had suspended trade, had scattered the ministers and nobles, had paralysed every department of the public service, and had increased the gloomy discontent which misgovernment had begun to excite throughout the nation. One continental ally England possessed, the Bishop of Munster, a restless and ambitious prelate, bred a soldier, and still a soldier in all his tastes and passions. He hated the Dutch for interfering in the affairs of his see, and declared himself willing to risk his little dominions for the chance of revenge. He sent, accordingly, a strange kind of ambassador to London, a Benedictine monk, who spoke bad English, and looked, says Lord Clarendon, “like a carter.” This person brought a letter from the Bishop, offering to make an attack by land on the Dutch territory. The English Ministers eagerly caught at the proposal, and promised a subsidy of 500,000 rix-dollars to their new ally. It was determined to send an English agent to Munster; and Edition: current; Page: [31] Arlington, to whose department the business belonged, fixed on Temple for this post.

Temple accepted the commission, and acquitted himself to the satisfaction of his employers, though the whole plan ended in nothing, and the Bishop, finding that France had joined Holland, made haste, after pocketing an instalment of his subsidy, to conclude a separate peace. Temple, at a later period, looked back with no great satisfaction to this part of his life; and excused himself for undertaking a negotiation from which little good could result, by saying that he was then young and very new to business. In truth, he could hardly have been placed in a situation where the eminent diplomatic talents which he possessed could have appeared to less advantage. He was ignorant of the German language, and did not easily accommodate himself to the manners of the people. He could not bear much wine; and none but a hard drinker had any chance of success in Westphalian Society. Under all these disadvantages, however, he gave so much satisfaction that he was created a baronet, and appointed resident at the viceregal court of Brussels.

Brussels suited Temple far better than the palaces of the boar-hunting and wine-bibbing princes of Germany. He now occupied one of the most important posts of observation in which a diplomatist could be stationed. He was placed in the territory of a great neutral power, between the territories of two great powers which were at war with England. From this excellent school he soon came forth the most accomplished negotiator of his age.

In the mean time the government of Charles had suffered a succession of humiliating disasters. The extravagance of the court had dissipated all the means which Parliament had supplied for the purpose of carrying on offensive hostilities. It was determined Edition: current; Page: [32] to wage only a defensive war; and even for defensive war the vast resources of England, managed by triflers and public robbers, were found insufficient. The Dutch insulted the British coasts, sailed up the Thames, took Sheerness, and carried their ravages to Chatham. The blaze of the ships burning in the river was seen at London: it was rumoured that a foreign army had landed at Gravesend; and military men seriously proposed to abandon the Tower. To such a depth of infamy had a bad administration reduced that proud and victorious country, which a few years before had dictated its pleasure to Mazarine, to the States General, and to the Vatican. Humbled by the events of the war, and dreading the just anger of Parliament, the English Ministry hastened to huddle up a peace with France and Holland at Breda.

But a new scene was about to open. It had already been for some time apparent to discerning observers, that England and Holland were threatened by a common danger, much more formidable than any which they had reason to apprehend from each other. The old enemy of their independence and of their religion was no longer to be dreaded. The sceptre had passed away from Spain. That mighty empire, on which the sun never set, which had crushed the liberties of Italy and Germany, which had occupied Paris with its armies, and covered the British seas with its sails, was at the mercy of every spoiler; and Europe observed with dismay the rapid growth of a new and more formidable power. Men looked to Spain and saw only weakness disguised and increased by pride, dominions of vast bulk and little strength, tempting, unwieldy, and defenceless, an empty treasury, a sullen and torpid nation, a child on the throne, factions in the council, ministers who served only themselves, and soldiers who were terrible only to their countrymen. Men looked to France, and saw a large and compact Edition: current; Page: [33] territory, a rich soil, a central situation, a bold, alert, and ingenious people, large revenues, numerous and well-disciplined troops, an active and ambitious prince, in the flower of his age, surrounded by generals of unrivalled skill. The projects of Louis could be counteracted only by ability, vigour, and union on the part of his neighbours. Ability and vigour had hitherto been found in the councils of Holland alone, and of union there was no appearance in Europe. The question of Portuguese independence separated England from Spain. Old grudges, recent hostilities, maritime pretensions, commercial competition separated England as widely from the United Provinces

The great object of Louis, from the beginning to the end of his reign, was the acquisition of those large and valuable provinces of the Spanish monarchy, which lay contiguous to the eastern frontier of France. Already, before the conclusion of the treaty of Breda, he had invaded those provinces. He now pushed on his conquests with scarcely any resistance. Fortress after fortress was taken. Brussels itself was in danger; and Temple thought it wise to send his wife and children to England. But his sister, Lady Giffard, who had been some time his inmate, and who seems to have been a more important personage in his family than his wife, still remained with him.

De Witt saw the progress of the French arms with painful anxiety. But it was not in the power of Holland alone to save Flanders; and the difficulty of forming an extensive coalition for that purpose appeared almost insuperable. Louis, indeed, affected moderation. He declared himself willing to agree to a compromise with Spain. But these offers were undoubtedly mere professions, intended to quiet the apprehensions of the neighbouring powers; and, as his position became every day more and more advantageous, Edition: current; Page: [34] it was to be expected that he would rise in his demands.

Such was the state of affairs when Temple obtained from the English Ministry permission to make a tour in Holland incognito. In company with Lady Giffard he arrived at the Hague. He was not charged with any public commission, but he availed himself of this opportunity of introducing himself to De Witt. “My only business, sir,” he said, “is to see the things which are most considerable in your country, and I should execute my design very imperfectly if I went away without seeing you.” De Witt, who from report had formed a high opinion of Temple, was pleased by the compliment, and replied with a frankness and cordiality which at once led to intimacy. The two statesmen talked calmly over the causes which had estranged England from Holland, congratulated each other on the peace, and then began to discuss the new dangers which menaced Europe. Temple, who had no authority to say any thing on behalf of the English Government, expressed himself very guardedly. De Witt, who was himself the Dutch Government, had no reason to be reserved. He openly declared that his wish was to see a general coalition formed for the preservation of Flanders. His simplicity and openness amazed Temple, who had been accustomed to the affected solemnity of his patron, the Secretary, and to the eternal doublings and evasions which passed for great feats of statesmanship among the Spanish politicians at Brussels. “Whoever,” he wrote to Arlington, “deals with M. de Witt must go the same plain way that he pretends to in his negotiations, without refining or colouring or offering shadow for substance.” Temple was scarcely less struck by the modest dwelling and frugal table of the first citizen of the richest state in the world. While Clarendon was amazing London with a dwelling more sumptuous Edition: current; Page: [35] than the palace of his master, while Arlington was lavishing his ill-gotten wealth on the decoys and orange-gardens and interminable conservatories of Euston, the great statesman who had frustrated all their plans of conquest, and the roar of whose guns they had heard with terror even in the galleries of Whitehall, kept only a single servant, walked about the streets in the plainest garb, and never used a coach except for visits of ceremony.

Temple sent a full account of his interview with De Witt to Arlington who, in consequence of the fall of the Chancellor, now shared with the Duke of Buckingham the principal direction of affairs. Arlington showed no disposition to meet the advances of the Dutch minister. Indeed, as was amply proved a few years later, both he and his master were perfectly willing to purchase the means of misgoverning England by giving up, not only Flanders, but the whole Continent, to France. Temple, who distinctly saw that a moment had arrived at which it was possible to reconcile his country with Holland, to reconcile Charles with the Parliament, to bridle the power of Louis, to efface the shame of the late ignominious war, to restore England to the same place in Europe which she had occupied under Cromwell, became more and more urgent in his representations. Arlington’s replies were for some time couched in cold and ambiguous terms. But the events which followed the meeting of Parliament, in the autumn of 1667, appear to have produced an entire change in his views. The discontent of the nation was deep and general. The administration was attacked in all its parts. The King and the ministers laboured, not unsuccessfully to throw on Clarendon the blame of past miscarriages; but though the Commons were resolved that the late Chancellor should be the first victim, it was by no means clear that he would be the last. The Secretary Edition: current; Page: [36] was personally attacked with great bitterness in the course of the debates. One of the resolutions of the Lower House against Clarendon was in truth a censure of the foreign policy of the Government, as too favourable to France. To these events chiefly we are inclined to attribute the change which at this crisis took place in the measures of England. The Ministry seem to have felt that, if they wished to derive any advantage from Clarendon’s downfal, it was necessary for them to abandon what was supposed to be Clarendon’s system, and by some splendid and popular measure to win the confidence of the nation. Accordingly, in December, 1667, Temple received a despatch containing instructions of the highest importance. The plan which he had so strongly recommended was approved; and he was directed to visit De Witt as speedily as possible, and to ascertain whether the States were willing to enter into an offensive and defensive league with England against the projects of France. Temple, accompanied by his sister, instantly set out for the Hague, and laid the propositions of the English Government before the Grand Pensionary. The Dutch statesman answered with characteristic staightforwardness, that he was fully ready to agree to a defensive confederacy, but that it was the fundamental principle of the foreign policy of the States to make no offensive alliance under any circumstances whatsoever. With this answer Temple hastened from the Hague to London, had an audience of the King, related what had passed between himself and De Witt, exerted himself to remove the unfavourable opinion which had been conceived of the Grand Pensionary at the English court, and had the satisfaction of succeeding in all his objects. On the evening of the first of January, 1668, a council was held, at which Charles declared his resolution to unite with the Dutch on Edition: current; Page: [37] their own terms. Temple and his indefatigable sister immediately sailed again for the Hague, and, after weathering a violent storm in which they were very nearly lost, arrived in safety at the place of their destination.

On this occasion, as on every other, the dealings between Temple and De Witt were singularly fair and open. When they met, Temple began by recapitulating what had passed at their last interview. De Witt, who was as little given to lying with his face as with his tongue, marked his assent by his looks while the recapitulation proceeded, and, when it was concluded, answered that Temple’s memory was perfectly correct, and thanked him for proceeding in so exact and sincere a manner. Temple then informed the Grand Pensionary that the King of England had determined to close with the proposal of a defensive alliance. De Witt had not expected so speedy a resolution; and his countenance indicated surprise as well as pleasure. But he did not retract; and it was speedily arranged that England and Holland should unite for the purpose of compelling Louis to abide by the compromise which he had formerly offered. The next object of the two statesmen was to induce another government to become a party to their league. The victories of Gustavus and Torstenson, and the political talents of Oxenstiern, had obtained for Sweden a consideration in Europe, disproportioned to her real power: the princes of Northern Germany stood in great awe of her; and De Witt and Temple agreed that if she could be induced to accede to the league, “it would be too strong a bar for France to venture on.” Temple went that same evening to Count Dona, the Swedish Minister at the Hague, took a seat in the most unceremonious manner, and, with that air of frankness and good-will by which he often succeeded in rendering Edition: current; Page: [38] his diplomatic overtures acceptable, explained the scheme which was in agitation. Dona was greatly pleased and flattered. He had not powers which would authorise him to conclude a treaty of such importance. But he strongly advised Temple and De Witt to do their part without delay, and seemed confident that Sweden would accede. The ordinary course of public business in Holland was too slow for the present emergency; and De Witt appeared to have some scruples about breaking through the established forms. But the urgency and dexterity of Temple prevailed. The States General took the responsibility of executing the treaty with a celerity unprecedented in the annals of the federation, and indeed inconsistent with its fundamental laws. The state of public feeling was, however, such in all the provinces, that this irregularity was not merely pardoned but applauded. When the instrument had been formally signed, the Dutch Commissioners embraced the English Plenipotentiary with the warmest expressions of kindness and confidence. “At Breda,” exclaimed Temple, “we embraced as friends, here as brothers.”

This memorable negotiation occupied only five days. De Witt complimented Temple in high terms on having effected in so short a time what must, under other management, have been the work of months; and Temple, in his despatches, spoke in equally high terms of De Witt. “I must add these words, to do M. de Witt right, that I found him as plain, as direct and square in the course of this business as any man could be, though often stiff in points where he thought any advantage could accrue to his country; and have all the reason in the world to be satisfied with him; and for his industry, no man had ever more I am sure. For these five days at least, neither of us spent any idle hours, neither day nor night.”

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Sweden willingly acceded to the league, which is known in history by the name of the Triple Alliance; and, after some signs of ill-humour on the part of France, a general pacification was the result.

The Triple Alliance may be viewed in two lights, as a measure of foreign policy, and as a measure of domestic policy; and under both aspects it seems to us deserving of all the praise which has been bestowed upon it.

Dr. Lingard, who is undoubtedly a very able and well informed writer, but whose great fundamental rule of judging seems to be that the popular opinion on a historical question cannot possibly be correct, speaks very slightingly of this celebrated treaty; and Mr. Courtenay, who by no means regards Temple with that profound veneration which is generally found in biographers, has conceded, in our opinion, far too much to Dr. Lingard.

The reasoning of Dr. Lingard is simply this. The Triple Alliance only compelled Louis to make peace on the terms on which, before the alliance was formed, he had offered to make peace. How can it then be said that this alliance arrested his career, and preserved Europe from his ambition? Now, this reasoning is evidently of no force at all, except on the supposition that Louis would have held himself bound by his former offers, if the alliance had not been formed; and, if Dr. Lingard thinks this a reasonable supposition, we should be disposed to say to him, in the words of that great politician, Mrs. Western; “Indeed, brother, you would make a fine plenipo to negotiate with the French. They would soon persuade you that they take towns out of mere defensive principles.” Our own impression is that Louis made his offer only in order to avert some such measure as the Triple Alliance, and adhered to his offer only in consequence of that alliance. He had refused to consent to an armistice. Edition: current; Page: [40] He had made all his arrangements for a winter campaign. In the very week in which Temple and the States concluded their agreement at the Hague, Franche Comté was attacked by the French armies, and in three weeks the whole province was conquered. This prey Louis was compelled to disgorge. And what compelled him? Did the object seem to him small or contemptible? On the contrary, the annexation of Franche Comté to his kingdom was one of the favourite projects of his life. Was he withheld by regard for his word? Did he, who never in any other transaction of his reign showed the smallest respect for the most solemn obligations of public faith, who violated the Treaty of the Pyrenees, who violated the Treaty of Aix, who violated the Treaty of Nimeguen, who violated the Partition Treaty, who violated the Treaty of Utrecht, feel himself restrained by his word on this single occasion? Can any person who is acquainted with his character and with his whole policy doubt that, if the neighbouring powers would have looked quietly on, he would instantly have risen in his demands? How then stands the case? He wished to keep Franche Comté. It was not from regard to his word that he ceded Franche Comté. Why then did he cede Franche Comté. We answer, as all Europe answered at the time, from fear of the Triple Alliance.

But grant that Louis was not really stopped in his progress by this famous league; still it is certain that the world then, and long after, believed that he was so stopped, and that this was the prevailing impression in France as well as in other countries. Temple, therefore, at the very least, succeeded in raising the credit of his country, and in lowering the credit of a rival power. Here there is no room for controversy. No grubbing among old state-papers will ever bring to light any document which will shake these facts; that Edition: current; Page: [41] Europe believed the ambition of France to have been curbed by the three powers; that England, a few months before the last among the nations, forced to abandon her own seas, unable to defend the mouths of her own rivers, regained almost as high a place in the estimation of her neighbours as she had held in the times of Elizabeth and Oliver; and that all this change of opinion was produced in five days by wise and resolute counsels, without the firing of a single gun. That the Triple Alliance effected this will hardly be disputed; and therefore, even if it effected nothing else, it must still be regarded as a masterpiece of diplomacy.

Considered as a measure of domestic policy, this treaty seems to be equally deserving of approbation. It did much to allay discontents, to reconcile the sovereign with a people who had, under his wretched administration, become ashamed of him and of themselves. It was a kind of pledge for internal good government. The foreign relations of the kingdom had at that time the closest connexion with our domestic policy. From the Restoration to the accession of the House of Hanover, Holland and France were to England what the right-hand horseman and the left-hand horseman in Bürger’s fine ballad were to the Wildgraf, the good and the evil counsellor, the angel of light and the angel of darkness. The ascendency of France was inseparably connected with the prevalence of tyranny in domestic affairs. The ascendency of Holland was as inseparably connected with the prevalence of political liberty and of mutual toleration among Protestant sects. How fatal and degrading an influence Louis was destined to exercise on the British counsels, how great a deliverance our country was destined to owe to the States, could not be foreseen when the Triple Alliance was concluded. Yet even then all discerning men considered Edition: current; Page: [42] it as a good omen for the English constitution and the reformed religion, that the Government had attached itself to Holland, and had assumed a firm and somewhat hostile attitude towards France. The fame of this measure was the greater, because it stood so entirely alone. It was the single eminently good act performed by the Government during the interval between the Restoration and the Revolution.* Every person who had the smallest part in it, and some who had no part in it at all, battled for a share of the credit. The most parsimonious republicans were ready to grant money for the purpose of carrying into effect the provisions of this popular alliance; and the great Tory poet of that age, in his finest satires, repeatedly spoke with reverence of the “triple bond.”

This negotiation raised the fame of Temple both at home and abroad to a great height, to such a height, indeed, as seems to have excited the jealousy of his friend Arlington. While London and Amsterdam resounded with acclamations of joy, the Secretary, in very cold official language, communicated to his friend the approbation of the King; and, lavish as the Government was of titles and of money, its ablest servant was neither ennobled nor enriched.

Temple’s next mission was to Aix-la-Chapelle, where a general congress met for the purpose of perfecting the work of the Triple Alliance. On his road he received abundant proofs of the estimation in which he was held. Salutes were fired from the walls of the towns through which he passed; the population poured forth into the streets to see him; and the magistrates entertained him with speeches and banquets. After the close of the negotiations at Aix he was appointed Ambassador at the Hague. But in both these missions he experienced much vexation Edition: current; Page: [43] from the rigid, and, indeed, unjust parsimony of the Government. Profuse to many unworthy applicants, the Ministers were niggardly to him alone. They secretly disliked his politics; and they seem to have indemnified themselves for the humiliation of adopting his measures, by cutting down his salary and delaying the settlement of his outfit.

At the Hague he was received with cordiality by De Witt, and with the most signal marks of respect by the States-General. His situation was in one point extremely delicate. The Prince of Orange, the hereditary chief of the faction opposed to the administration of De Witt, was the nephew of Charles. To preserve the confidence of the ruling party, without showing any want of respect to so near a relation of his own master, was no easy task. But Temple acquitted himself so well that he appears to have been in great favour, both with the Grand Pensionary and with the Prince.

In the main, the years which he spent at the Hague seem, in spite of some pecuniary difficulties occasioned by the ill-will of the English Ministers, to have passed very agreeably. He enjoyed the highest personal consideration. He was surrounded by objects interesting in the highest degree to a man of his observant turn of mind. He had no wearing labour, no heavy responsibility; and, if he had no opportunity of adding to his high reputation, he ran no risk of impairing it.

But evil times were at hand. Though Charles had for a moment deviated into a wise and dignified policy, his heart had always been with France; and France employed every means of seduction to lure him back. His impatience of control, his greediness for money, his passion for beauty, his family affections, all his tastes, all his feelings, were practised on with the utmost dexterity. His interior Cabinet was now Edition: current; Page: [44] composed of men such as that generation, and that generation alone produced; of men at whose audacious profligacy the renegades and jobbers of our own time look with the same sort of admiring despair with which our sculptors contemplate the Theseus, and our painters the Cartoons. To be a real, hearty, deadly enemy of the liberties and religion of the nation was, in that dark conclave, an honourable distinction, a distinction which belonged only to the daring and impetuous Clifford. His associates were men to whom all creeds and all constitutions were alike; who were equally ready to profess the faith of Geneva, of Lambeth, and of Rome; who were equally ready to be tools of power without any sense of loyalty, and stirrers of sedition without any zeal for freedom.

It was hardly possible even for a man so penetrating as De Witt to foresee to what depths of wickedness and infamy this execrable administration would descend. Yet, many signs of the great woe which was coming on Europe, the visit of the Duchess of Orleans to her brother, the unexplained mission of Buckingham to Paris, the sudden occupation of Lorraine by the French, made the Grand Pensionary uneasy; and his alarm increased when he learned that Temple had received orders to repair instantly to London. De Witt earnestly pressed for an explanation. Temple very sincerely replied that he hoped that the English Ministers would adhere to the principles of the Triple Alliance. “I can answer,” he said, “only for myself. But that I can do. If a new system is to be adopted, I will never have any part in it. I have told the King so; and I will make my words good. If I return you will know more: and if I do not return you will guess more.” De Witt smiled, and answered that he would hope the best, and would do all in his power to prevent others from forming unfavourable surmises.

Edition: current; Page: [45]

In October, 1670, Temple reached London; and all his worst suspicions were immediately more than confirmed. He repaired to the Secretary’s house, and was kept an hour and a half waiting in the antechamber, whilst Lord Ashley was closeted with Arlington. When at length the doors were thrown open, Arlington was dry and cold, asked trifling questions about the voyage, and then, in order to escape from the necessity of discussing business, called in his daughter, an engaging little girl of three years old, who was long after described by poets “as dressed in all the bloom of smiling nature,” and whom Evelyn, one of the witnesses of her inauspicious marriage, mournfully designated as “the sweetest, hopefullest, most beautiful child, and most virtuous too.” Any particular conversation was impossible: and Temple who, with all his constitutional or philosophical indifference, was sufficiently sensitive on the side of vanity, felt this treatment keenly. The next day he offered himself to the notice of the King, who was snuffing up the morning air and feeding his ducks in the Mall. Charles was civil, but, like Arlington, carefully avoided all conversation on politics. Temple found that all his most respectable friends were entirely excluded from the secrets of the inner council, and were awaiting in anxiety and dread for what those mysterious deliberations might produce. At length he obtained a glimpse of light. The bold spirit and fierce passions of Clifford made him the most unfit of all men to be the keeper of a momentous secret. He told Temple, with great vehemence, that the States had behaved basely, that De Witt was a rogue and a rascal, that it was below the King of England, or any other king, to have any thing to do with such wretches; that this ought to be made known to all the world, and that it was the duty of the Minister at the Hague to declare it Edition: current; Page: [46] publicly. Temple commanded his temper as well as he could, and replied calmly and firmly, that he should make no such declaration, and that, if he were called upon to give his opinion of the States and their Ministers, he would say exactly what he thought.

He now saw clearly that the tempest was gathering fast, that the great alliance which he had formed and over which he had watched with parental care was about to be dissolved, that times were at hand when it would be necessary for him, if he continued in public life, either to take part decidedly against the Court, or to forfeit the high reputation which he enjoyed at home and abroad. He began to make preparations for retiring altogether from business. He enlarged a little garden which he had purchased at Sheen, and laid out some money in ornamenting his house there. He was still nominally ambassador to Holland; and the English Ministers continued during some months to flatter the States with the hope that he would speedily return. At length, in June, 1671, the designs of the Cabal were ripe. The infamous treaty with France had been ratified. The season of deception was past, and that of insolence and violence had arrived. Temple received his formal dismission, kissed the King’s hand, was repaid for his services with some of those vague compliments and promises which cost so little to the cold heart, the easy temper, and the ready tongue of Charles, and quietly withdrew to his little nest, as he called it, at Sheen.

There he amused himself with gardening, which he practised so successfully that the fame of his fruittrees soon spread far and wide. But letters were his chief solace. He had, as we have mentioned, been from his youth in the habit of diverting himself with composition. The clear and agreeable language of his despatches had early attracted the notice of his Edition: current; Page: [47] employers; and, before the peace of Breda, he had, at the request of Arlington, published a pamphlet on the war, of which nothing is now known, except that it had some vogue at the time, and that Charles, not a contemptible judge, pronounced it to be very well written. Temple had also, a short time before he began to reside at the Hague, written a treatise on the state of Ireland, in which he showed all the feelings of a Cromwellian. He had gradually formed a style singularly lucid and melodious, superficially deformed, indeed, by Gallicisms and Hispanicisms, picked up in travel or in negotiation, but at the bottom pure English, which generally flowed along with careless simplicity, but occasionally rose even into Ciceronian magnificence. The length of his sentences has often been remarked. But in truth this length is only apparent. A critic who considers as one sentence every thing that lies between two full stops will undoubtedly call Temple’s sentences long. But a critic who examines them carefully will find that they are not swollen by parenthetical matter, that their structure is scarcely ever intricate, that they are formed merely by accumulation, and that, by the simple process of now and then leaving out a conjunction, and now and then substituting a full stop for a semicolon, they might, without any alteration in the order of the words, be broken up into very short periods, with no sacrifice except that of euphony. The long sentences of Hooker and Clarendon, on the contrary, are really long sentences, and cannot be turned into short ones, without being entirely taken to pieces.

The best known of the works which Temple composed during his first retreat from official business are an Essay on Government, which seems to us exceedingly childish, and an Account of the United Provinces, which we value as a master-piece in its kind. Whoever compares these two treatises will Edition: current; Page: [48] probably agree with us in thinking that Temple was not a very deep or accurate reasoner, but was an excellent observer, that he had no call to philosophical speculation, but that he was qualified to excel as a writer of Memoirs and Travels.

While Temple was engaged in these pursuits, the great storm which had long been brooding over Europe burst with such fury as for a moment seemed to threaten ruin to all free governments and all Protestant churches. France and England, without seeking for any decent pretext, declared war against Holland. The immense armies of Louis poured across the Rhine, and invaded the territory of the United Provinces. The Dutch seemed to be paralysed by terror. Great towns opened their gates to straggling parties. Regiments flung down their arms without seeing an enemy. Guelderland, Overyssel, Utrecht were overrun by the conquerors. The fires of the French camp were seen from the walls of Amsterdam. In the first madness of despair the devoted people turned their rage against the most illustrious of their fellow-citizens. De Ruyter was saved with difficulty from assassins. De Witt was torn to pieces by an infuriated rabble. No hope was left to the Commonwealth, save in the dauntless, the ardent, the indefatigable, the unconquerable spirit which glowed under the frigid demeanour of the young Prince of Orange.

That great man rose at once to the full dignity of his part, and approved himself a worthy descendant of the line of heroes who had vindicated the liberties of Europe against the house of Austria. Nothing could shake his fidelity to his country, not his close connexion with the royal family of England, not the most earnest solicitations, not the most tempting offers. The spirit of the nation, that spirit which had maintained the great conflict against the gigantic Edition: current; Page: [49] power of Philip, revived in all its strength. Counsels, such as are inspired by a generous despair, and are almost always followed by a speedy dawn of hope, were gravely concerted by the statesmen of Holland. To open their dykes, to man their ships, to leave their country, with all its miracles of art and industry, its cities, its canals, its villas, its pastures, and its tulip gardens, buried under the waves of the German ocean, to bear to a distant climate their Calvinistic faith and their old Batavian liberties, to fix, perhaps with happier auspices, the new Stadthouse of their Commonwealth, under other stars, and amidst a strange vegetation, in the Spice Islands of the Eastern seas; such were the plans which they had the spirit to form; and it is seldom that men who have the spirit to form such plans are reduced to the necessity of executing them.

Memoirs of the Life, Works, and Correspondence of Sir William Temple. By the Right Hon. Thomas Peregrine Courtenay. 2 vols. 8vo. London: 1836.

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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and Historical Essays, ed. by Alexander James Grieve
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: The History of England from the Accession of James II
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859, contrib.: The Indian Penal Code, as Originally Framed in 1837, With Notes (Chennai: Higginbotham, 1888), by Indian Law Commission, also contrib. by J. M. Macleod, G. W. Anderson, F. Millett, C. H. Cameron, and D. Eliott (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Lays of Ancient Rome (Gutenberg text)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859, contrib.: The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay (2 volumes; London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1876), by George Otto Trevelyan
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Machiavelli (HTML and PDF at Bartleby)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: The Miscellaneous Writings and Speeches of Lord Macaulay

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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: ... Johnson and Goldsmith; essays by Thomas Babington Macaulay; ed. by William P. Trent. (Boston, New York [etc.] Houghton, Mifflin and company, [c1896]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: [Macaulay's miscellanies.] ([S.l. : s.n., [between 1825-1899]) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: [The complete works of Lord Macaulay] (Philadelphia, The University library association, [1910?]), also by Hannah More Macaulay Trevelyan and Frederick Lyman. PRO Geddes (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Addison, by Thomas Babington Macaulay; with notes by Margaret A. Eaton, A. B. (Boston, New York [etc.] Educational publishing company, [c1899]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Bįografiz bį Lord Makơle, kontribưted tu ðe Ensįklopįdia Britanika. Wið nơts ov hiz konekfon wið Edinburơ, and ekstrakts from his leterz and spi̦{u0063}ez. Riten in ðe repơrtiņ stįl ov fonơgrafi, wið ki̧ in fơnetik speliņ ... (Lưndon, F. Pitman, 1868) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Bi̜ografiz bi̜ Lord Makole, kontribưted tu đe Ensi̜klopi̧dia Britanika. Wiđ nơts ov hiz konekļon wiđ Edinburơ, and ekstrakts from hiz leterz and spi̦çez. Riten in đe reporti{u006E} stįl ov fonơgrafi wiđ k̦i in fơnetik speli{u006E} ... (Lưndon, F. Pitman, 1868) (page images at HathiTrust)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Biographical essays. (Leipzig, Bernhard Tauchnitz, 1857) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Biographical essays / (Leipzig : B. Tauchnitz, 1857) (page images at HathiTrust)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Biographical essays / (Leipzig : B. Tauchnitz, 1857) (page images at HathiTrust)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical & historical essays, (London, J.M. Dent & Co., Aldine House, 1900) (page images at HathiTrust)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical & historical essays / (London : J.M. Dent & Co.; New York : E.P. Dutton & Co., [1913]) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical & historical essays / (London : J.M. Dent ; New York : E.P. Dutton, [1935, c1907]) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays, (Boston and New York, Houghton, Mifflin and company, 1900) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays, (London, J.M. Dent, 1900) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays. (Boston, Houghton Mifflin, [1900]) (page images at HathiTrust)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays, (London, Methuen, 1903), ed. by F. C. Montague and F. C. Montague (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays / (London : Dent ; New York : Dutton, 1907), also by A. J. Grieve (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review (London : Longmans, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1848) (page images at HathiTrust)
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  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review. (London, Longmans, Green & co., 1883) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays, contributed to the Edinburgh review. (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1853) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review. (London, 1870) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh Review. (London, F. Pitman, etc., 1870) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh Review. (London, 1852) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays, contributed to the Edinburgh Review. (Leipzig, B. Tauchnitz jun., 1850) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review. (London, New York, Longmans, Green, 1895) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review. (London, Longmans, Green, and Co., 1866) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review. (London, Longmans, Green and co., 1877) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review. (London, Longmans, Brown, Green, Longmans & Roberts, 1856) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review, (London, Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, & Green, 1865) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review. (New York, Albert Mason, 1875) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review. (London, Longmans, Green and Co., 1874) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1849) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longmans, Green, 1889) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays : contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1860) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1843) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longmans, Green, and co., 1880) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London ; New York : Longmans, Green, 1903) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh Review / (London : Longmans, Green & Co., 1882) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longmans, Green, 1898) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays, contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1852) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longmans, Green, 1877) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1850) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh review / (New York : Hurd and Houghton, 1875) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and historical essays contributed to the Edinburgh Review [microform] / (London : Longmans, Green, 1885) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and Historical Essays, Volume III (of 3) (Gutenberg ebook)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays. (New York, D. Appleton & Co., 1857) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays, (Philadelphia, Carey & Hart, 1841-43) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays. (Boston, Weeks, Jordan & Co., 1840) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays (New York, D. Appleton and Company, 1895-96) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays. (New York, Appleton, 1861) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays. (New York : D. Appleton, 1857) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays. (Philadelphia : Carey & Hart, 1841) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays / (Philadelphia, PA : Carey & Hart, 1843-44) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays / (Philadelphia : Hart, Carey & Hart, 1854) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays / (New York : D. Appleton and company, 1880) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays and poems. (New York : D. Appleton and Co., 1863) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays and poems / (New York : D. Appleton and co., 1860) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical and miscellaneous essays and poems / (New York : D. Appleton and co., 1865) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays. (New York, Hurd and Houghton, 1875), also by Edwin Percy Whipple (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays. (New York, Sheldon and co., etc., etc., 1862) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays. (New York, Sheldon and company; Boston, Gould and Lincoln, 1860) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays. (New York, Sheldon and company; Boston, Gould and Lincoln, 1861) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays. (New York, Sheldon and company; Boston, Gould and Lincoln, 1860), ed. by Edwin Percy Whipple (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical historical, and miscellaneous essays. (New York : A.C. Armstrong & Son, 1897) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays : (New York : Hurd and Houghton, 1874) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays / (Boston : Houghton, Mifflin and Co. ; Cambridge [Mass.] : Riverside Press, 1894) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays / (Boston : Houghton, Mifflin, c1860) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays / (New York : A.C. Armstrong, 1860), also by Edwin Percy Whipple (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems (Boston : Aldine, [n.d.]) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems. (New York, Lovell, Coryell & company, n.d) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems. (New York, A.C. Armstrong, [c1860]), also by Edwin Percy Whipple (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems. (Boston, Estes and Lauriat, 1882) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems. (Chicago : Donohue, Henneberry, [1885?]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems. (Chicago, New York : Belford, Clarke & co., 1886) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems. (New York : American book exchange, 1880) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems. (New York, American Pub. Corp., [1880?]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems. (New York : [s.n., 18--?]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays and poems / (Chicago : Midland Book Co., [18--]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays and poems / (New York : W.L. Allison, [188-?]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems / (Boston : Estes and Lauriat, [188-?]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems / (New York : J.W. Lovell, [18--?]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems / (Boston : Dana Estes & Co., [186-?]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays and poems [microform] / (Boston : Estes and Lauriat, 1882), also by Schomburg Collection of Negro Literature and History (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems, by Thomas Babington Macaulay. (Boston, Aldine Book Pub. Co., [1890?]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays and poems, by Thomas Babington Macaulay. (Chicago : Donohue, Henneberry, 1890) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays with a memoir and an index. (New York, Hurd and Houghton, 1866) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays : with a memoir and an index / (New York : Hurd & Houghton, c1860) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays : with a memoir and an index / (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1860) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays. With a memoir and index. (New York, Hurd and Houghton, 1878,) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays, with a memoir and index. (New York, A. Mason, 1874 [cop. 1860]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical, and miscellaneous essays : with a memoir and index / (Boston : Hurd and Houghton, 1876), also by Edwin Perry Whipple (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays : with a memoir and index / (New York : A.C. Armstrong, 1893, c1860), also by Edwin Percy Whipple (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays : with a memoir and index / (New York : Sheldon and Co., 1860) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Critical historical and miscellaneous essays with a memoir and index / (New York : Mason, Baker & Pratt, 1873) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: The diary and letters of Madame d'Arblay (Frances Burney) (London, Vizetelly, 1890-91), also by Fanny Burney, ed. by William C. Ward (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: The diary and letters of Madame D'Arblay (Frances Burney) / (London ; New York : Frederick Warne and co., 1892), also by Fanny Burney and William C. Ward (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Die geschichte Englands seit dem regierungsantritte Jakobs II. (Leipzig, T.O. Weigel, 1849-61) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Die geschichte Englands seit dem regierungsantritte Jakobs II / (Leipzig : T.O. Weigel, 1850-1861), also by Friedrich Bülau (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Dokumente zur Emanzipation der Juden : vier Reden / (Halle a.S. : Hendel, 1912) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Dr. Johnson, his friends and his critics / (London : Smith, Elder & co., 1878), also by George Birkbeck Norman Hill, Thomas Carlyle, and Philip Dormer Stanhope Chesterfield (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: The Earl of Chatham. (New York, Cassell & co., [1887]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: The Earl of Chatham. (Boston, Allyn and Bacon, [c. 1892]) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: The Earl of Chatham / (London : W. Heinemann, 1908) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: England in 1685 [microform]; being chapter III of the History of England (Boston, New York [etc.] Ginn & Company, [c1905]), ed. by Arlo Bates (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: England in 1685, being chapter III of The history of England, (Boston: Ginn, c1897) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: England in 1685; being chapter III of the History of England, (Boston, U. S. A., and London, Ginn & company, 1897) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: England in 1685; being chapter III of the History of England (Boston, New York [etc.] Ginn & Company, [c1905]), ed. by Arlo Bates (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essais d'histoire et de litterature, (Paris : Calmann Lévy, 1882), also by M. Guizot (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essais historiques et biographiques / (Paris : Michel Lévy, 1860-62), also by Guillaume Guizot (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essais historiques et biographiques / (Paris : Michel Lévy Frères, 1866) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essais historiques et biographiques / (Paris : Michel Lévy Frères, 1862) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essais littéraires / (Paris : M. Lévy , 1865), also by M. Guizot (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essais politiques et philosophiques (Paris, Michel Lévy frères, 1862), trans. by Maurice Guillaume Guizot (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essais politiques et philosophiques / (Paris : Michel Lévy Frères, 1862) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essais sur l'histoire d'Angleterre / (Paris : M. Lévy Frères, 1864) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay and speech on Jewish disabilities. (Edinburgh : Printed for the Jewish Historical Society of England by Ballantyne, Hanson & Co., 1909) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay and speech on Jewish disabilities (Edinburgh : Printed for the Jewish Historical Society of England by Ballantyne, Hanson, 1910), also by S. Levy and Israel Abrahams (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Addison, (New York, Cincinnati [etc.] American Book Company, [1904]), also by Charles Flint McClumpha (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Addison, (London, Macmillan & co., 1907), also by R. F. Winch (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Addison. (Boston, etc., Silver, Burdett and co., 1899) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Addison / (Boston : Allyn and Bacon, c1895), also by Samuel Thurber (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: An essay on Addison / (New York : Merrill, c1892) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Addison / (Boston : D. C. Heath, 1901, c1900), also by Albert Perry Walker (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Clive; (London : Oxford University Press, 1921), also by Vincent Arthur Smith (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Clive / (Boston : Allyn and Bacon, c1892), also by Samuel Thurber and Samuel Thurber (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: An essay on Frederic the Great / (New York : Maynard, Merrill & Co., 1893) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on John Hampden : with Bulwer Lyttons Essay on Lord Falkland / (London : J.M. Dent ; New York : E.P. Dutton, [1921]), also by Edward Bulwer Lytton Lytton and R. T. Rees (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: An essay on John Milton (Chicago, Ainsworth, 1903), also by Clara Sterling Doolittle (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on John Milton, (Boston, Houghton, Mifflin, [1896]), also by William P. Trent (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: An essay on John Milton, (New York, Cincinnati [etc.] American book company, 1894) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Johnson / (Boston : Allyn and Bacon, c1891), also by Samuel Thurber (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Lord Clive, (Boston, New York [etc.] Houghton Mifflin company, [c1910]), ed. by Alan Abbott (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Lord Clive. (New York, etc., Macmillan co., 1907) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton, (Boston, Chicago [etc.] Houghton, Mifflin and company, [1896]), also by William Peterfield Trent (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton, (New York, Cincinnati, American book company, [1903]), ed. by Edward Leeds Gulick (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton, (Boston, Chicago [etc.] Houghton, Mifflin and company, 1896) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton. (Boston, Allyn and Bacon, [c1895]), ed. by Samuel Thurber and Samuel Thurber (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton; (New York, The Macmillan Co., 1914) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton. (New York, etc., The Macmillan co., 1899) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton. Life and writings of Addison / (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1896), also by William Peterfield Trent and Thomas Babington Macaulay Macaulay (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton. Life and writings of Addison / (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1896), also by Thomas Babington Macaulay Macaulay and William Peterfield Trent (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton ; Life and writings of Addison / (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1896), also by William Peterfield Trent and Thomas Babington Macaulay Macaulay (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Milton ; Life and writings of Addison / (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1896), also by Thomas Babington Macaulay Macaulay and William Peterfield Trent (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Moore's Life of Lord Byron; (London, Rivingtons, 1874), also by Francis Storr (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Sir William Temple. (London, New York, Macmillan & co., 1905), also by G. A. Twentyman (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Warren Hastings. (New York, etc., Macmillan co., 1911) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essay on Warren Hastings / by Thomas Babington Macaulay ; edited by Allan Abbott. (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, c1910) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays and Lays of ancient Rome. (London, etc., Longmans, Green, and co., 1895) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays and reviews; or, Scenes and characters: being a selection of the most eloquent passages from the writings of Thomas Babington Macaulay ... (Buffalo, G.H. Derby and Co., 1849) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (Boston, Phillips, Sampson, and Company, 1858) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (Philadelphia, Carey and Hart, 1846) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (Philadelphia, Carey and Hart, 1847) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (Boston, Philips, Sampson, and Co., 1859) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (Boston, Phillips, Sampson, 1858) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous, (New York, D. Appleton and Co., 1864) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (Philadelphia, Carey and Hart, 1845) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (Boston, Phillips, Sampson and co., 1854) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (New York, D. Appleton & co., 1873) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. (New York, D. Appleton & co., 1869) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays : critical and miscellaneous / (Philadelphia : Carey & Hart, 1849) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous / (Philadelphia : Cary and Hart [T. K. & P. G. Collins], 1844) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous / (Philadelphia : Carey and Hart, 1844) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous / (Philadelphia : Carey and Hart, 1847) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous / (Philadelphia : A. Hart, 1853) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous / (New York : D. Appleton, 1860) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous / (Boston : Phillips, Sampson, 1856) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous / (New York : D. Appleton, 1863) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous / (New York : D. Appleton, 1875) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, critical and miscellaneous. By T. Babington Macaulay. (Boston, Phillips, Sampson, & co., 1856) (page images at HathiTrust)
  • Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron, 1800-1859: Essays, historical and literary : from the Edinburgh review / (London ; New York : Ward, Lock, & Co., [189-?]) (page images at HathiTrust; US access only)
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